OpinionAsia
http://www.opinionasia.org/ASEANandMyanmarsNuclearReactor

ASEAN and Myanmar's Nuclear Reactor



7th June 2007


Previous - Next  

Myanmar's significant decision to acquire a nuclear research reactor from Russia went without comment by the Southeast Asian commission overseeing nuclear matters. That raises doubts about the institution at a time when ASEAN should be preparing strong, capable and bold institutions to implement plans now being drafted for an economic community and closer association.

Commissioners of the Southeast Asian Nuclear-Weapon Free Zone, who are supposed to keep a watchful eye on nuclear developments in Southeast Asia to ensure the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) ten members are not developing or deploying nuclear weapons, should at least have reminded Myanmar of its obligations under the Zone.

To build confidence, foster transparency and help the commission do its job Article 11 of the Zone's treaty requires signatories to report "any significant event". There is no record readily available of Myanmar informing the commission prior to the announcement which came from Russian partner Atomstroyexport.

Atomstroyexport, a manufacturer owned by Russia's federal atomic energy agency Rosatom, said it will, if the deal is sealed, install a 10-megawatt light-water reactor, provide 20 percent enriched uranium-235 fuel and train at least 300 technicians. Similar reactors exist in Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam. These ASEAN members are to some degree mulling plans for using nuclear power stations to reduce their dependence on imported oil and gas for generating electricity.

Myanmar is perhaps not entirely at fault because the treaty does not define what constitutes a "significant event". Nevertheless acquiring a research reactor is significant because it is a starting point for developing nuclear industry such as power generation and medical isotopes. Furthermore, informing the Commission would be in the spirit of the Zone, which entered into force in March 1997, and ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation.

There was a reaction however from another nuclear regulator, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which reportedly said it was surprised by the move because Myanmar is supposed to give advance notice in accordance with the safeguard agreement signed a few decades ago.

Concerns were also expressed in other quarters, among them Washington. "In short, we would be concerned about the possibility for accidents, for environmental damage or for proliferation simply by the possibility of fuel being diverted, stolen or otherwise removed simply because there are no accounting mechanisms or other kinds of security procedures," said Tom Casey, a spokesman for the State Department in Washington.

A clandestine nuclear weapons programme looks far fetched right now. Training thousands of nuclear scientists and technicians will be challenging given the state of education in Myanmar. Close ties with states that have run successful nuclear weapons programmes and developed intermediate range ballistic missiles like Pakistan and North Korea will serve to keep Myanmar under scrutiny.

In the short-term at least, safety will probably be borne by the shoulders of Atomstroyexport's experienced engineers, who aside from overseeing safe operation of the reactor will have to account for hazards like earthquakes in siting, design and construction.

America's concerns about the safety and Myanmar's shortage of nuclear experts does not seem to bother Myanmar's ASEAN peers judging by the absence of public remarks from capitals around the region. It might be deemed an internal matter falling under ASEAN's coveted principle of non-interference, but that is hard to sustain given that the Zone provides for "intrusion" such as inspections.

This is a matter for concern. It suggests ASEAN is not thinking, albeit very remote at this point, about the prospect of a stand-off with the international community if evidence of a weapons programme should one day come to light.

But worse, it indicates that members are not putting ASEAN's treaties, institutions and even each other at the top of their priorities despite their enthusiasm for summits. Why then should the rest of the world take ASEAN seriously?

Without effective institutions the ASEAN economic community founded on the charter now being drawn up for presentation to leaders in Singapore this October is likely to fall short in improving prosperity and eliminating poverty for the peoples of Southeast Asia.

The commission is an example of an ineffective institution that ASEAN should no longer tolerate. It failed to comment on an important development seemingly within its remit. According to the treaty the commission should conduct a review ten years after the treaty comes into force, yet there is no publicly available evidence that this review has taken place. Or indeed signs that the commission has met since sitting down seven years ago in Bangkok. The only sign of its existence are occasional reports of executive committee meetings.

Finding out anything about the commission is challenging. Its public presence is effectively zero. It does not have even a rudimentary website. It is impossible to assess whether its budget is adequate because there are no readily available records of its budget and what that is used for. Public presence is a weakness of ASEAN's institutions, even the ASEAN Secretariat has only a brass tacks website.

A strong public presence is important for raising ASEAN's profile and exciting citizens' interest. A first step is simply to ensure that all ASEAN's institutions, including the Secretariat, have effective websites. Ministries in Brunei and Singapore provide some excellent benchmarks.

Much more will be needed though because the current Secretariat is simply inadequate for the important work ahead. The charter must include clauses providing for substantial long-term budgets to develop effective institutions staffed by a well-salaried, well-trained, well-resourced ASEAN civil service drawing on best practices locally and in the European Union to be effective and avoid the corruption that is a severe problem for many bureaucracies in the region.

pursuit of a nuclear energy has served as a timely reminder of the shortcomings of ASEAN's institutions. The impact of Myanmar's nuclear industry on will for the foreseeable future be dwarfed by the effectiveness of ASEAN's institutions.

More Politics
Mongolia: Yes we Khan
Laos: On track
Thailand: No. 1 Lady Detective
The Politics of China's Rural Poor
Malaysia: Blog Busters
China Seeks to Feed Itself
Thai politics: Cooking up trouble
Sovereignty edges back to the Thai people
China: Pushing the boundaries
Laos: New China town
Burma and China: Flirting with disaster
Mekong: Dams it is!
The Earthquake in Sichuan: The Limits of Autocracy
Burma praying in the rain
Rice shock: The grain drain
China on Tibet: Han overlordship and territorial integrity
Battle to reclaim Thai constitution
Thailand: The Godfather - Samak Sundaravej
Thaksin Shinawatra - Mai pen rai?
Thailand's Energy Security Complex
Uncertain future for new Thai government
Rising peacekeeper role burnishes China's image
A Tool of Statecraft: China's Smarter Army
Democracy remains Pakistan's only hope
Stalemate of violence in Thai borderlands
Thailand: People power
A return to a more democratic Thailand?
Condemned by National Interests: Damming the Mekong River
Thailand's political parties found wanting
Trade winds are blowing against Asean
Surin Pitsuwan
Asean: Mutual benefits?
Time to welcome the Austere Islamic Republic of Pashtunistan?
The blight on Burma
Thailand: For Surayud, more dark days ahead
FT letter: A China with little left in the 'piggy bank' looks south for food
Disdainful Thais ponder 'lost year'
Thailand: Was coup worth it?
Thai junta braces for a rough ride
Thaksin Likely to keep on scoring
Deciphering the Great Game: Towards a Sino-Russian Chessboard?
Charter fight - Southeast Asia
Thai junta stacks its referendum cards
Thailand: Final whistle on Thaksin's return?
Ruling leaves Thai democracy reeling
Thailand: Bloodied Borderlands
Thailand: A land of widows
Thailand: A war on civil society
Thailand: Localizing a global war
Malaysia/Singapore: On the rails
Thailand: Tangled in a web of manipulation
Singapore: 'It's fear that will unite us'
Thailand: Ignoble intentions
Stumbles and missteps in Thailand
China's strategic Southeast Asian embrace
China's hedging strategy in Southeast Asia
Thailand: When purge comes to shove
Thailand: Banking on it
Can Asean's tame tigers take on China?
Rumors of a split in China's elite
The year of living dangerously
India's flawed Myanmar policy
Burma: Arms race in a zone of peace
The danger on China's doorstep
Myanmar's HIV/AIDS security threat
Beijing extends its influence
Thailand: Southern Exposure
Asia searches for security in trade
Southern Thailand’s Prospects for Peace—Last Chance?
Thailand's chance for peace
China: When will the Party end?
China paves way to Myanmar riches
ASEAN: Poodle to the dandy dragon
Democracy with Chinese characteristics
Beijing pulls Laos into its orbit
Doubts Surface About Thailand’s New Constitution
Thailand: Once more into the breach
China's growing influence in Cambodia
China and the Pilot Fish to the South
Dragon herds the paper tigers
The Red Chamber (of commerce)
New Statesman letter: East looks West
The return of China's censors
Keeping the Pacific peace
China treated to a sight of US might
Factional violence erupts in East Timor
East Timor: Drifting towards the brink
The US–India Nuclear Deal
Thailand: Perils of a young democracy
Why Thaksin will still win on April 2
An opposition problem in Thailand
Thaksin's welcome wears thin
Gas deal fuels China's plans for Myanmar
China bites into Southeast Asia
Resource-Hungry China to Devour More of Burma’s Gas and Oil Industry
Burma Sells Gas to China
Rural unrest: Beijing needs to get a grip
Thailand: Marines murder casts doubt on military tactics
Forcing China’s Hand
Irrawaddy letter: Burma Engagement Policy Crippled From the Start
Letter: Vietnam's wirelessly chattering classes are on the way
Thailand: Cracks in Thaksin's monolith
China: Deepening justice deficit opens door to chaos
China: Passing grade for trying
FT Letter: EU will be the loser if UK votes No
Thailand hits and misses, again
Thaksin readies for victory - absolutely
Tsunami strikes, Beijing moves
Thai media add fuel to southern fire
Thailand's troubled south: Economic aftershock
Thailand's southern blame game
Thailand: Behind the Muslim 'insurgency'
Thailand's southern enigma is election wild card
So long US, hello China, India
Religious divide grows amid Thai unrest
Thais fear more mayhem
Thailand: Protesters' deaths raise fears of attack
Letter: Sudden democracy could spell disaster
Thailand: Thaksin loses the city, keeps the country
China-SE Asia: Shades of tribute diplomacy
Thai party politics hold hope for the future
Thailand's free trade tactics under fire
Activist's death opens door to impunity
Thailand's tinderbox: Foreign links feared
Don't be too hasty to draw JI link in southern Thailand
Thailand: Tapping the Mr Bigs of jihadi terrorism
Thailand in China's embrace
Round two in Thailand's war on evil
Dollars Over Dissidence
Extradition flap puts Thailand in spotlight
Thai war on drugs: Hollow victory
Thaksin's rise to power: Just business?
Beyond the Generals
Laos - the long, troubled decade
Welcome to the Philippines - US military involvement raises the counter-insurgency stakes
Cambodia: Rural lifeblood drains away
Sri Lanka's Ceaseless Struggle
Previous - Next